In addition to Sarin, participants included Amory Gethin of the World Bank; Laura Seelkopf of Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich; Mads Elkjær of the University of Copenhagen; Torben Iversen of Harvard; Kris-Stella Trump of Johns Hopkins University; Paul Marx, an APEX visiting fellow from the University of Bonn; Patrick Sullivan, an APEX postdoctoral fellow; Charlotte Cavaillé of the University of Michigan’s Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy; Vanessa Williamson of the Brookings Institution; Zachary Liscow of Yale Law School; David Hope of King’s College London; Suzanne Kahn of the Roosevelt Institute; Philipp Rehm of Johns Hopkins University; David Mitchell of the Washington Center for Equitable Growth; Chuck Marr of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities; and Josh Bivens of the Economic Policy Institute.
Hope, a senior lecturer in political economy, presented data from 18 countries belonging to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to estimate the average effects of major tax cuts for the rich between 1965 and 2015 on income inequality, economic growth, and unemployment. He and his co-author found that major tax cuts widened inequality but had no significant effect on a nation’s economic performance, represented by change in gross domestic product (GDP) or unemployment rates.
“Our study provides strong evidence against the influential idea that tax cuts for the rich lead them to work and invest more, which then trickles down to boost the wider economy,” Hope said. “Conversely, our results are consistent with other findings that lower taxes on top incomes induce the rich to bargain more aggressively to increase their own rewards, to the direct detriment of those lower down the income distribution.”
Kahn, vice president of the think tank at the progressive nonprofit Roosevelt Institute, said that the top-earning 1% of taxpayers — the majority of whom are white men — enjoy a larger tax cut in a single day from the 2017 tax cut legislation signed by former President Donald Trump than the poorest 20% of taxpayers receive in an entire year.
She saw the election and the looming tax debate as an opportunity to not just reverse the effects of the 2017 cuts but to at least start a conversation about discarding the concept of trickle-down economics in the tax code.
“I think the way that people have looked at this has changed a lot in recent years, especially as inequality has risen dramatically,” Kahn said. “If you look at polling now, people are willing to pay taxes if rich people start paying their fair share.”
Gethin presented a study in which he and his co-authors concluded that tax and transfer systems provide weak explanations for the levels and trends in inequality. They found that the United States redistributes more wealth to low-income individuals than any European country. The reason why inequality is worse in the United States than in Europe has more to do with what Hacker has called “predistribution,” initiatives aimed at curbing income inequality by addressing its root causes before it arises, rather than reallocating wealth after it has been generated.
“Many people in the United States believe that they pay a lot of money in taxes every year, but the truth is that the U.S. is truly an outlier in comparison to every country with high levels of income,” Gethin said. “Another common misconception is that if you work hard, you can make it regardless of how few resources you have to start. The United States has one of the lowest levels of intergenerational mobility across advanced economies, which means that if you’re born into a low-income family, it’s going to be extremely hard to reach the middle class.”
Rehm presented findings from a currently unpublished study he conducted with Hacker, seeking to understand a paradox in which previous studies found that greater inequality in a country does not seem to lead to greater redistribution. The researchers studied 23 rich democracies and found that more inegalitarian societies did in fact redistribute more but that this redistribution stemmed from “policy drift,” as relatively unchanged tax-and-transfer systems encountered escalating inequality, and not through politicians deliberately responding to voters’ demands for policy reforms.